The tractor is a collective farm artifact, a symbol of temporary delirium, a horror story of insanity, which is more characteristic of a child. This is a bad toy.
Alina Vitukhnovskaya, writer
The magic Rubik's cube of autochthonous savagery, designed to turn back time into corn goodness, which will inevitably turn into Stephen King's corn nightmare. And finally, an allusion to Petro Pig, with whom Lukashenko has been subconsciously associating himself for a long time.
Since the time of Lenin, who reserved nothingness in the Mausoleum, every post-Soviet ruler has been permeated like formalin with true Marxism-Leninism as it is. And there he is, in fact, a purely "satanic science", fairly seasoned with various false ideologemes.
In essence, socialist ideology is a kind of collective death, an alchemical ritual for the simple-minded proletarian, giving both a non-existent future (namely, a practically religious belief in death, i.e., in communism) and a complete absence of the present, i.e. life as a fact. Today we are convinced that all these are not metaphors for internal consumption, but the true faith of the red golems. Lukashenka, who said - "Even when I am dead, I will not allow you to give up the country!", proved it to the fullest.
In fact, Lukashenko has long been dead, just as the socialist-communist ideology is dead, as the geopolitical project "USSR 2.0" itself is dead. The problem with this kind of metaphysical complication, all the more so stretched out over decades, is that tyrants like Lukashenko cannot get out of their assigned roles. Simply put, they cannot even die like ordinary people. In terrible dreams, they see personal immortality, but this is the immortality of a zombie, an eternal return.
Unlike the fairytale hero, Lukashenka does not even have death “in the needle” and “in the egg”. His death permeated the very domestic life, with which he fatally merged. Therefore, in the near future we will observe a real horror with revolutionaries on the one hand and zombies on the other.
Lukashenko's behavior, the very atmosphere around him refers us to the forgotten masterpiece of the 90s by Petro Lutsik and Tamas Tota. The most ontologically Russian and Mamleyevian inferno-piercing film of those years. The genius Lutsik died under strange circumstances. The film is overflowing with the absurdity of Russian life. The main character goes to “steal the rams from the Bashkirs,” although he does not need these rams at all, like a goat to a journalist. Apparently, in this passion there is some kind of primordial bestial savagery, pagan frenzy. Further, the main character participates in the classic train robbery. And finally, in the gladiatorial battle with the terrible Bekbulatka, in which he did not want to participate and should not have.
So it seems that behind the trembling Lukashenka's shoulders, a guardian angel, the monster Bekbulatka, will grow. And the people will ask: "Will you fight Bekbulatka?" By the way, this is a more political slogan than "We are power here!" and other vulgarity.
The fate of many participants in the DChB project is tragic, no less than the film itself, from which the total, stirring, breathing Nothing of Russian life itself comes through. Lutsik will die a year after the film "Outskirts", bitterly patriotic and very close to the present moment of tragedy.
Residents of a farm in the south of the Urals, who were taken away from their land by the "new Russians", are ready to return it at any cost. The deceived villagers do not disdain any methods to take revenge on the collective farm chairman. Unraveling provocations leads to Moscow, to the office of the oil "oligarch".
The impression that the tradition of the local chthonian, everyday and social madness is passed here from generation to generation and is guarded almost stronger than the most terrible military secret. Short periods of freedom, the same Yeltsin 90s, seemed to have not sober up people. No, they woke up as if they had slept for millennia, for some moments they came to their senses, acquired a true sense of reality, a true self, political will. But suddenly, in an instant, it again fell into a nightmarish chthon, into the very gap between the worlds, where there is a swaying Russian reed, mistaken for a man.
We live most of our life in folklore-Khokhloma metaphysics, not even in virtual reality, which, unlike the first, has a lot of variability and room for maneuver. In Russia, reality has been erased, scorched, eaten away, chewed up by Colorado beetles on faded Asian carpets. Even Hamlet with his “To Be or Not to Be?” Is impossible here, because Shakespeare's Denmark nevertheless assumed existence, and Russia does not. She is essentially the antagonist of being. But it is not yet non-being, although it is overflowing with the disturbing Nothingness.
Apart from the political action that is now unfolding in Belarus, changes in the political field in Russia are impossible without a change in the cultural one. Soviet culture is “blood and soil” on which a tree of lies grows, not knowledge. And it grows not upward, but like a lichen, spreading along the bottom, along the pits and depressions of the mass unconscious, absorbing its most vile forms, wrapping itself around and infecting everything with itself.
It is surprising that in the 21st century we are again faced with classical Marxism, or rather its comic imitation. Lukashenko flies by helicopter to enterprises and holds rallies. His speech becomes more and more hysterical:
“You will never see me doing something under pressure. There will be no re-election. There will be no Minsk Wheel Tractor Plant or BELAZ, we will destroy everything in six months. Until you kill me, there will be no other elections".
Such drama and rhetoric is absolutely identical to Children of the Iron Gods, this monument of Soviet necrorealism, which came to life again in the face of a maddened red golem.
In the future, we are expected to strike, a political rollback in the 70s, but the rollback is rather positive. If there is no one who could stop the Belarusian madness, let it be the new proletariat, led, I hope, by the revolutionary princess Tikhanovskaya.
The events of August 2020 in Belarus, first of all, debunked the widespread myth about the Belarusians themselves as very patient, undemanding people, and people who were not up to open resistance. Do not forget that it was in Belarus that the Belovezhskaya Agreements were signed, which legally recorded the collapse of the USSR - that monstrous pseudo-state formation, which again seeks to recreate the current Kremlin. As you know, August, according to the long-standing "tradition" of the post-Soviet space, is a month of disasters and social upheavals, a time of weariness of metal, people and public institutions.
“The last dictator of Europe” - as Lukashenko is also called in the world, previously engaged in bloody massacres in a targeted mode, eliminating his political opponents and critics. And after more than a quarter of a century of his permanent rule, Lukashenko got a taste and started an open and large-scale terror against the entire Belarusian people. Of course, the overt use of force in the 21st century is a fiasco.
If we turn directly to the topic of the Belarusian protest and its leader, Svetlana Tikhanovskaya, I can say that under the circumstances, Svetlana, as I understand it, does not have much experience in real political life, and even more so the struggle, behaves quite dignified, although she does not act quite consistently. Affects the moral and psychological pressure on her from the security forces of Lukashenko, who threaten her relatives and friends who are on the territory of Belarus.
At the same time, Tikhanovskaya is also a women's agenda in current politics in the post-Soviet space - this field of traditionalism and paternalism, in which the role of a woman was reduced exclusively to household and household. If Tikhanovskaya proves herself a consistent leader of the protest, as well as a new, pro-European government, this will be another step forward in overcoming the influence of the Kremlin dictatorship in Europe.