Posted 19 апреля 2021, 14:35

Published 19 апреля 2021, 14:35

Modified 24 декабря 2022, 22:36

Updated 24 декабря 2022, 22:36

Sakharov's main lesson. To the 100th anniversary of the birth of the great scientist and human rights activist

Sakharov's main lesson. To the 100th anniversary of the birth of the great scientist and human rights activist

19 апреля 2021, 14:35
Andrey Sakharov was convinced that the best "locomotive of history" is evolution, not revolution.

Boris Altshuler, human rights activist

May 21 this year 100th anniversary of Andrey Dmitriyevich Sakharov, a great scientist and a great man - the creator of the most terrible weapon in the history of mankind and at the same time the Nobel Peace Prize Laureate. Sakharov died more than 30 years ago. But it is enough to familiarize yourself with his speeches (see below) to see how relevant they are today.

First, a small reminder of what Sakharov is and why he, who never held any positions of power, turned out to be so influential. As he himself once joked, referring to the “top floor of power”: “I'm not on the top floor. I'm next to the top floor, on the other side of the window".

“Today, thermonuclear weapons have never been used against people in war. My most passionate dream (deeper than anything else) is that this never happens, that thermonuclear weapons hold back the war, but never be used", - Sakharov wrote in his Memoirs.

In the first chapter "The Threat of Thermonuclear War" of the famous 1968 article "Reflections on Progress, Peaceful Coexistence and Intellectual Freedom" Sakharov describes the terrible consequences of such a war, says that "enough charges have already been accumulated for the repeated destruction of all mankind" and at the end of this section writes:

“Every rational being, finding itself on the edge of the abyss, first tries to move away from this edge, and only then thinks about satisfying all other needs. For humanity, moving away from the edge of the abyss means overcoming disunity".

And this appeal of Sakharov was heard. According to the now declassified documents of the KGB of the USSR and the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU, this article, distributed in samizdat and presented to the Central Committee of the CPSU by the Chairman of the KGB Yuri Andropov at the end of May 1968, an article, but in fact a voluminous brochure, Sakharov, was studied by the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU Leonid Brezhnev and his instructions by other members of the Politburo. And what is most surprising is that the proposals of Sakharov's Reflections in the field of nuclear security and the mitigation of international tension became the priorities of the USSR's foreign policy in subsequent years. Hence the USSR-USA Treaty of May 1972 on limiting the development of anti-missile defense systems, hence the overall policy of detente and its apogee - the Helsinki Conference of 35 states convened on the initiative of the USSR (all countries of Europe plus the USA and Canada) with its Final Act of September 1, 1975 and the “third basket” of this Act - the obligations of the signatory countries to respect human rights.

A natural question: why such attention to the document of Academician Sakharov on the part of the top leadership of the USSR. The explanation for this miracle is the entire 20-year prehistory of Sakharov's work in the "bomb" sphere. Leonid Brezhnev communicated with him a lot during that period and respected him endlessly. Sakharov's proposals of October 1953 determined the USSR's nuclear-missile strategy for many years to come, and even among the accusations brought against Nikita Khrushchev by Mikhail Suslov after his ouster from power on October 4, 1964, the following sounded: “For two weeks I did not show the Politburo members a letter Sakharov on the Situation in Soviet Biological Science”.

But back to the 1968 "Reflections" and subsequent events. In practice, in real life, everything was, to put it mildly, not as optimistic as mentioned above ("detente", "third basket" of the Helsinki Act ...). The military-political and party-ideological blocs of the Soviet Olympus of power - these conservative and overly influential "Kremlin towers" ignored all these positive political initiatives, and the repressions of 1977-1978 against members of the Moscow and Republican Helsinki groups clearly and purposefully demonstrated to the whole world that the signature under the Helsinki Act of the leader of the USSR, Leonid Brezhnev, is worthless. Sakharov was well aware of this whole arrangement, he understood that without real internal reforms in the USSR, no easing of international tension is possible. Hence the thesis of the inextricable link between international security and the observance of human rights, reflected in the title of his Nobel Lecture “Peace, Progress and Human Rights” (1975).

At the same time, Sakharov already in his "Reflections" formulated clear proposals for liberalization - democratization - humanization of the USSR's domestic policy. This was not difficult to do, since a "pilot experiment" of this kind was evident: "Reflections" were written in the first half of 1968, during the heyday of the "Prague Spring" - attempts to build "socialism with a human face" in Czechoslovakia. And the suppression of this "spring" by Soviet tanks on August 21, 1968 became a demonstration of the unviability of the totalitarian form of socialism created in the USSR. To our great regret, modern Russia, with its forceful clampdown on the opposition and criticism of the authorities, is tragically approaching that unsustainable form of government.

It is not surprising that all the proposals of Sakharov's Reflections concerning the internal reforms of the USSR were ignored. Surprising, however, that, according to declassified materials of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the KGB of the USSR, all Sakharov's statements and proposals for many years, including years of exile, were submitted by the KGB to the Politburo, where they were read and studied. We do not know exactly by whom they studied (although Mikhail Gorbachev could have clarified this), but the fact is that many points of the "perestroika" program announced by Gorbachev on April 25, 1985 coincide with the points addressed to L.I. Brezhnev's "Memorandum" 1972 or Sakharov's book "On the Country and the World" 1975 Andrey Dmitriyevich notes this in his "Memoirs": "(Supplement 1988. It is very interesting to read these points 13 years later, in the 3rd year "Perestroika." Some of them were included in the number of official slogans of perestroika. We can only dream of including most of the others)...".

Step through the decades

And here we take a step through the decades - right to the present day. Because those deep systemic causes, those selfish forces that shattered the hopes of perestroika are fully present in New Russia today. Sakharov lived and acted during the first 5 years (1985-1989) of the turbulent "perestroika" 7-year period. The first two miracles of perestroika are directly related to his name: the release of political prisoners in 1987-1988 and the agreement between the USSR and the United States on the elimination of medium and short-range thermonuclear missiles in December 1987. And Sakharov was well aware of how dangerous what was then called "the inhibition of perestroika." Some of his performances from that time sound more than modern. More than 30 years ago, Sakharov recorded those systemic causes that, in many ways, determine our present and make our future uncertain, dangerously unpredictable.

1. About monopoly in public administration.

A.D. Sakharov:

“According to the current Constitution, the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR has absolute, practically unlimited personal power. The concentration of such power in the hands of one person is extremely dangerous, even if this person is the initiator of perestroika. In particular, behind-the-scenes pressure is possible. And if someday it will be someone else?" (From the program speech at the closing session of the 1st Congress of People's Deputies, June 9, 1989).

And today we are again stepping on the same "rake" of the monopoly of the state executive power with the President of the Russian Federation at the top, when the state system is on one "power leg". And we can, as always, only dream of a "stable tripod" (mutually balancing executive, legislative and judicial powers), of strong democratic local self-government.

Also, autocratic states, unlike democracies, in principle are not able to systematically solve the problem of the transit of power, the replacement of the first person. Hence the palace coups, the strangulation of the tsar with pillows, hence the catastrophic revolutions and disintegration of states. Hence the dangerous unpredictability and instability of such systems, including the current state structure of the Russian Federation. And let's pay attention to the words of Sakharov "possibly behind-the-scenes pressure". The same idea - in the well-known paradigm "the suite is playing the king". Sakharov understood how difficult everything was there - in the Kremlin "under the carpet". And that is why I never, in my most critical speeches, switched to the personalities of leaders, did not point a finger. He was a wise man.

A.D. Sakharov (ibid.):

"I believe that the Congress did not solve the key political task facing it, embodied in the slogan: "All power to the Soviets!" - a huge historical responsibility lies. Political decisions are needed, without which it is impossible to strengthen the power of Soviet bodies on the ground and to solve economic, social, environmental, national problems...”.

It sounds very relevant today, when the laws of the Russian Federation are being adopted, embedding local self-government in the vertical of state executive power - while removing the population from making decisions on issues urgent for citizens.

Reference: Federal Law No. 62-FZ of April 3, 2017 abolished the level of urban and rural settlements close to the population (established by part 1 of Article 131 of the previous, until 2020, edition of the Constitution of the Russian Federation), leaving only large urban districts. In the new version of Article 131 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the mention of settlements is excluded and it is written in black and white: " State authorities can participate in the formation of local self-government bodies, the appointment and dismissal of officials of local self-government bodies in the manner and cases established by federal law " (Clause 1.1. Art. 131 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation of 2020). It is pertinent to note that this new wording of Article 131 is in conflict with Article 12 of the same Constitution of the Russian Federation, which states: “ Local self-government, within the limits of its powers, is independent. Local self-government bodies are not part of the system of public authorities”.

Meanwhile, it is the local government that depends on local voters and has to take into account the interests of the people - the basis of the democratic system in all developed countries. And how can we not recall the zemstvo reform of local self-government of Emperor Alexander II, which was consistently carried out and is still effectively working in the only province of the former Russian Empire - Finland, a country with negligible, in comparison with Russia, natural resources and the highest standard of living in the world...

2. On monopoly in law enforcement

A.D. Sakharov (from the draft speech at the II Congress of People's Deputies; the draft was written in the morning of December 14, 1989, in the evening of the same day Andrey Dmitriyevich died):

“In reality, in our life, the suspect or the accused is in extremely difficult conditions of pressure from the investigation. Everyone remembers numerous cases of self-incrimination, taking the blame on themselves because of press cameras, beatings, blackmail and threats. Everyone remembers the death sentences of innocent people, carried out not only in the republics, but also in Moscow".

The monopoly of investigative bodies, the lack of effective judicial control and prosecutorial supervision over the investigation of the FSB of Russia, the Investigative Committee of Russia and the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia has become a disaster for everyone: violations of the law during the inquiry and preliminary investigation, up to obtaining confessions with the use of torture, strangulation of business by security forces, fabrication of cases "For show", awards and "on request". All this goes unpunished, and the courts stamp convictions. Henry Reznik spoke about this in December 2019 at a meeting between Russian President Vladimir Putin and the Human Rights Council, and his highly professional proposals in January 2020 officially became the Instructions of the President of the Russian Federation. And on December 10, 2020, at the next meeting of the Human Rights Council with the President, we talked about the same thing, but over the year the situation has only worsened.

A.D. Sakharov (from a speech at the I Congress of People's Deputies, June 9, 1989):

“The congress should, in my opinion, adopt a resolution containing the principles of the rule of law. These principles include: freedom of speech and information, the possibility of judicial challenging by citizens and public organizations of actions and decisions of all authorities and officials in the course of independent proceedings, democratization of judicial and investigative procedures (admission of a lawyer from the beginning of the investigation, trial by jury, the investigation must be withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the prosecutor's office: its only task is to monitor the implementation of the Law). I urge to revise the laws on meetings and demonstrations, on the use of internal troops".

As for the draconian laws on rallies and demonstrations in October 1988, a lot is said about them in Sakharov's Memoirs, including the episode of January 1989 at a meeting between Gorbachev and the intelligentsia - a passionate speech on this topic by our wonderful writer Viktor Astafiev and, as it often happened and Mikhail Gorbachev's evasive reaction to the merits of the matter.

And if we return to the investigation, I would like to draw your attention to the words of Sakharov: " The investigation should be removed from the jurisdiction of the prosecutor's office ." And this was done in 2006 with the creation of the Investigative Committee of Russia! Such a division of the investigation and the procurators could only be welcomed, there was hope that the prosecutor's office would finally take up its direct responsibilities - overseeing the observance of the law during the investigation. But the trouble is - the legislator has deprived the prosecutor's office of such a right. Someone very strong lobbied for this legislative absurdity. The result is the lawlessness of law enforcement officers, which has become our everyday life.

In the above-mentioned proposals of Henry Reznik in December 2019, it was said about expanding the jurisdiction of the jury, and about the need to establish an institution of investigating judges designed to monitor the legality of the preliminary investigation. But even in this case, apparently, someone very strong (the security forces after all!) Managed to put a spoke in their wheels and slow down the execution of the corresponding instructions of the President of the Russian Federation.

3. About monopoly in the economy.

A.D. Sakharov on economic competition:

“The restructuring of the administrative-command structure of the economy that has developed in our country is extremely difficult. Without the development of market relations and elements of competition, dangerous imbalances, inflation and other negative phenomena are inevitable" (1988).

From Sakharov's election program (Jan-Feb 1989):

"Dissolve large enterprises in order to stimulate competition and prevent monopoly pricing".

About the rise in prices for the most necessary things - food, housing, medicines, housing and communal services ... today we read every day in the newspapers, including in the statements of the highest leaders, including the President of the Russian Federation. Due to the inadequately high cost of electricity, gasoline, and other fuels and lubricants, production suffers, and the economy stagnates. Because of the high prices for basic necessities, poverty is growing and the birth rate is falling. The problem of high prices is being discussed at all levels. Attempts are being made to state regulation of the cost of specific goods, which naturally threatens their deficit. All this has already taken place in the former USSR.

Sakharov understood all this and tried to get the authorities to show decisiveness in the fight against economic monopoly. Healthy economic competition is the basis of the economic power and well-being of the population in countries with market economies, where tough government measures are taken to protect the free market from monopolization. Unfortunately, in our country, the authorities did not show such antimonopoly decisiveness either in the era of perestroika or in the process of economic reforms in the 1990s, and they do not show it even now. And many thousands of families with children in Russia, including large families, literally have nothing to feed their children and nowhere to live. And for many years, 200 thousand citizens from among orphans, who were supposed to be provided with housing, have nowhere to live. The Accounts Chamber of the Russian Federation, the Chairman of the Investigative Committee of Russia and the Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation are openly talking about this problem; but at the same time, for some reason, the deliberately criminal acts of restricting competition in the construction industry "with the participation of state bodies in them" are passed over in silence.

The last quote about the participation of state bodies of the Russian Federation in criminal anti-competitive agreements was taken by me from the annual report of October 2017 by the Federal Antimonopoly Service (FAS) of Russia, which says about the “General cartelization of the Russian economy”, that “a specific feature of anti-competitive agreements in Russia is participation in them state bodies... with all the features inherent in organized criminal groups and criminal communities ", the inaction of law enforcement officers is also emphasized:" Article 178 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation under investigation "Restriction of Competition" ...practically does not work". About the same in a comparatively recent, October 2020, study by the FAS Russia - the publication “ Almost all cartels in the country remain undisclosed ” (“Nezavisimaya Gazeta”, 10/30/2020). This is the criminal inaction of law enforcement officers, which in today's Russia there is no one to identify and suppress.

I would like to note that the ROO "Right of the Child", faced with the insoluble problems of housing and poverty of large families, turned "upward" with proposals for solving the problem of monopolies, "winding up" the cost of basic necessities. Among other things, we proposed to expand the jurisdiction of the named article 178 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation - in addition to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, to involve the TFR and the FSB in the fight against cartels. And they even received a letter of thanks from the Federal Antimonopoly Service in response. But, of course, all these proposals of ours were ignored, which is not surprising.

But what is absolutely surprising is the direct sabotage of the instructions of the President of Russia on the same issue. The "List of Instructions of the President of the Russian Federation on the Implementation of Priority Measures Aimed at Identifying and Suppressing the Activities of Cartels" dated August 5, 2017 says:

FAS Russia, together with the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, the FSB of Russia, the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation and with the participation of the General Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation, develop an interdepartmental program of measures to identify and suppress cartels and, if necessary, create an appropriate interdepartmental coordinating body.

Deadline - October 1, 2017

Responsible: Artemiev I.Yu., Kolokoltsev V.A., Bortnikov A.V., Bastrykin A.I., Chaika Yu.Ya.".

No one lifted a finger - neither by October 1, 2017, nor later. Hence the question "Who are the Russian security forces subordinate to?"

Sakharov's main lesson.

It is not uncommon to hear how ill-wishers accuse Sakharov of the chaos of the last years of perestroika and even of the collapse of the USSR, which happened two years after his death. To be convinced of the injustice of these accusations, it is enough to familiarize yourself with the speeches of Sakharov, the politician of the time: " If we go with the flow, lulling ourselves with the hope of gradual changes for the better in the distant future, the growing tension can blow up our society with the most tragic consequences " (Sakharov on I Congress of People's Deputies, June 9, 1989).

Unfortunately, Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev did not listen to Sakharov, and the country was sliding into the abyss. Sakharov, of course, understood what a difficult situation Gorbachev was in, how strong the conservatives around him were. And he tried to help him make decisions that would save the country by organizing “pro-reform” pressure “from below”.

A.D. Sakharov: "Without a democratic movement from below, perestroika is impossible, and you cannot be afraid of it". And this is perhaps Sakharov's main lesson. I think that if not for the unexpected death (or murder?) Of Sakharov on December 14, 1989, the recent history of our country would have been completely different. But it is rightly noted that history has no subjunctive mood. This obvious truth concerns the past, what has already happened. As for the future - what will later become history, I will refer to Sakharov's words: “the future is unpredictable and undefined, it is created by all of us - step by step in our infinitely complex interaction”.

At the same time, Sakharov is a principled opponent of any violent overthrow of the government, any revolution. About the above-mentioned article "Reflections..." of 1968, he writes in his "Memoirs": "The pathos of my article is the rejection of extremes, of irreconcilability and intolerance, too often inherent in revolutionary movements and extreme conservatism, the desire for compromise, the combination of progress with reasonable conservatism and caution. Evolution, not revolution, as the best “locomotive of history".

What does “evolution, not revolution” mean today? In September of this year. - elections to the State Duma, and the people of Russia have a real, peaceful and legitimate chance to have their say in saving the country from the presumptuous and embezzled uncontrolled bureaucracy. The current State Duma is famous for its many laws directed against the opposition, suppressing anti-corruption and other criticism, destroying independent local self-government, etc. Let us recall that in the myths of Ancient Greece, Odysseus shouted at one of the suitors who attempted to kill his wife Penelope: “You were, but you will not be anymore!”.

"You were a deputy, but you won't be anymore!", - such a thesis, addressed to each of the 450 deputies of the current State Duma, can become the central slogan of the current election campaign.

In my opinion, today it will be the best implementation of the social and political precepts of Andrey Dmitriyevich Sakharov.

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